As students across Serbia prepare mass gatherings on December 28 collecting signatures and openly demanding elections Aleksandar Vucic is doing what he does best when cornered: hiding, lying, and stalling.
There is no response from the regime. No plan. No explanation. Only silence from a president who knows that every honest confrontation with citizens now ends the same way: with his authority shattered.
Behind closed doors, even Vučić’s own circles admit the truth. The student protests no longer “interest” him not because they are weak, but because he has lost the ability to control them. The spell is broken. Fear no longer works. International pressure is mounting. And Vucic, for the first time in over a decade, looks politically naked.
So the regime retreats into its usual filth.
Once again, regime media will flood the airwaves with hysteria: imaginary wars, fabricated shortages, invented enemies. They will smear students as extremists, protesters as foreign mercenaries, and anyone demanding elections as an enemy of the state. This is not governance this is panic management by a crumbling autocracy.
Opposition figures see the decay clearly.
Bogdan Radovanović describes a ruler who has completely run out of ideas.
“Vučić plagiarizes resistance because he has no creativity left. Every genuine act of rebellion is followed by a cheap, embarrassing imitation.”
Counter-rallies. Fake students. Regime bikers. Endless presidential monologues on Pink, RTS, Happy, and Informer. A narcissist talking to himself while Serbia sinks.
And elections? Vucic is terrified of them.
Borislav Novaković states the obvious: elections today would end Vucic’s rule.
“He is trapped—between scandals, collapsing foreign relations, energy deals in ruins, and a country he has systematically isolated from Europe and civilization.”
Vučić knows he cannot win. That is why he delays, manipulates, anesthetizes society, and tries to exhaust everyone who still believes Serbia deserves dignity.
Filip Tatalović is even more direct: the regime is internally broken.
“SNS is afraid. Disorganized. In denial. No amount of propaganda can reverse that.”
That is why Vucic desperately clings to the image of ‘functioning institutions forcing opposition MPs into a parliament that no longer represents citizens but serves as a stage set for authoritarian theater.
Miran Pogačar cuts to the core.
“He has tried everything: lies, beatings, intimidation, defamation. All that’s left is to run toward a plane or a helicopter.”
Vucic’s reaction to the crisis gripping Serbia is not leadership it is impotence. Endless whining. Victimhood. Self-pity. And ten more empty ‘historic’ addresses that even his own supporters have stopped watching.
He has no legitimacy. He has no solutions. He has no future.
December 28 will expose what Vucic fears most: a society that is no longer afraid and a ruler who has nowhere left to run except out of power.
