Publicist Andrej Nikolaidis has accused the President of the Montenegrin Parliament, Andrija Mandić, of attempting to save Serbian President Aleksandar Vučić and Bosnian Serb leader Milorad Dodik with his initiative to make Serbian an official language in Montenegro.
In his opinion, he emphasized that it is only a matter of time before the EU realizes that, especially in the new constellation of powers, its main interest in the Balkans is to break the holy alliance with the dictator from Belgrade and the greater Serbian nationalism—when it realizes, in fact, that its interest lies in the quick entry of Montenegro into the EU, a stable Bosnia and Herzegovina, and a democratized Serbia, which must give up the idea that it can control neighboring countries through puppets like Dodik and Mandić.
Full Opinion:
Why exactly now is Andrija Mandić bringing up the issue of the Serbian language as a main topic, for which, according to him, a broad social dialogue should take place?
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Why does he need tensions right now?
Because Vučić, Dodik, and their joint project for the Serbian world are not progressing well. Vučić is in a balancing act: perhaps he will fall, perhaps not. But the damage has already been done—he is no longer a strong leader. He is too weak to be a player for Trump. He can no longer guarantee anything to anyone. He can no longer move the project forward. Even if he remains in power, this weakened version of him means that his days as the ruler of Serbia are numbered—one way or another, this is the beginning of his end. He is no longer a reliable asset. As such, he will be replaced by someone else.
The same is true for Dodik. He has gone too far. Every day he remains in power is just a postponement of the inevitable—escape to Belgrade, Budapest, or Moscow.
This indefinitely delays the process of consolidation and improvement of the “Serbian world.”
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And this is dangerous because the destructive power of Vučić, Dodik, and Mandić remains large. And they have little left to do except destroy.
Mass protests in Serbia now seem like a thing of the past: they are entirely outside the spirit of the new age, outside the “Zeitgeist” that is decisively shaping the fascist international.
Students in Serbia are essentially fighting for a liberal-democratic state—a clear separation of powers into three independent branches that check each other and for the rule of law. They are doing this at a time when Trump’s administration and the dog pack from the fascist international are conducting a frontal attack on every democratic value. The students are fighting against an authoritarian leader in an age of authoritarian leaders.
While dictators around the world are growing stronger, the one in Serbia is growing weaker, which is a direct consequence of the student protests. These protests have no support from the EU or the USA. And this is precisely why they are so powerful and destructive for Vučić: because they are not a construct, they are not funded from the outside, but are an evolutionary defensive reaction of Serbian society to his crazy criminal rule.
Nevertheless, it is only a matter of time before the EU realizes that, especially in the new constellation of powers, its main interest in the Balkans is to sever the holy alliance with the dictator from Belgrade and the greater Serbian nationalism—when it realizes that its interest is the rapid entry of Montenegro into the EU, a stable Bosnia and Herzegovina, and a democratized Serbia, which must give up the idea that it can control neighboring countries through puppets like Dodik and Mandić.
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The dangerous crisis in Bosnia and Herzegovina, which is practically on the brink of a new war, is a direct consequence of the misguided, premature interpretation of the new American empire’s politics by Dodik and Vučić.
On the one hand, it is clear that Vučić is trying to stay in power by creating a crisis in Bosnia and Herzegovina and then calling on the citizens of Serbia to unite in defense of Serbs in Bosnia and the defense of the existence of the Republika Srpska entity—naturally, under his leadership. When national interests are at risk, who has time for democracy? Then it is time for the nation to rally around an authoritarian leader. This is Vučić’s plan. There is no doubt that Vučić will include the fight for “discriminated fellow Serbs” in Montenegro here. With his initiative to make Serbian the official language, Mandić has given Vučić an assist.
Milorad Dodik, the leader of the Serbs in Bosnia, on the other hand, has stated that now is the moment to complete the process of separating RS from Bosnia and Herzegovina—a process he has been working on for more than a decade.
Since the end of the war in Bosnia, it was clear that for this conflict, there was not a “stop” pressed, but a “pause.” It was clear that the Republika Srpska would try to separate from Bosnia and join Serbia the moment the geopolitical circumstances were favorable. Now is that moment. The empire is abandoning its old policies, including those in our region. It is abandoning old allies and seeking new ones. Dodik saw this as an opportunity. Moreover, he could not wait any longer, as he was sentenced to one year in prison and a ban on political activity for his separatist decisions in the Bosnian court.
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He responded by imposing laws that take his territory—RS—out of the legal system of Bosnia, so that court decisions in Sarajevo no longer have effect there. To avoid arrest, he stopped the functioning of state police and intelligence services in his entity.
With this, the separation is practically complete: all that remains is to take control of the borders and declare independence—a process that could be completed in a single night.
Meanwhile, Montenegro remains in a deep sleep. Apart from Mandić and his supporters, the only ones with a rational position on the fairytale of Montenegro’s entry into the EU in 2028…
