Banja Luka, Bosnia and Herzegovina — The Republic of Srpska marked its controversial Republic Day on January 9, once again defying the ruling of Bosnia and Herzegovina’s Constitutional Court, which declared the celebration unconstitutional. The events in Banja Luka, which included a large parade, were attended by a range of political figures, both from the RS and Serbia, as well as Russian representatives.
The date, January 9, 1992, holds deep significance for the people of the Republic of Srpska, as it marks the beginning of the violent persecution of Bosniaks and Croats in regions that would be under RS military control until 1995. This anniversary is a source of tension, as it is seen by many as a symbol of ethnic cleansing and war crimes, particularly during the Bosnian War.
The parade, which wound its way through the streets of Banja Luka, was led by armed police officers, military veterans, firefighters, Red Cross volunteers, foresters, road workers, and children. The controversial gathering was also marked by the participation of members of the “Night Wolves” Motorcycle Club, a pro-Russian group with strong ties to the Kremlin. During the parade, the official announcer proclaimed that Russian President Vladimir Putin is a member of the Night Wolves, further cementing the event’s geopolitical undertones.
In addition to local RS officials, Serbian Deputy Prime Minister Aleksandar Vulin, Serbian Minister of Culture Nikola Selaković, and the Russian ambassador to Bosnia and Herzegovina all took part in the event. The international presence highlighted the continued support for the RS from Serbia and Russia, which have both been accused of enabling the RS’s push for greater autonomy — and, in the case of Serbia, of supporting RS leader Milorad Dodik’s controversial political moves.
Defying the Constitutional Court
Despite being declared unconstitutional by the Constitutional Court of Bosnia and Herzegovina, which ruled that the celebration violates the country’s legal framework, RS authorities pushed forward with their observance of the day. The celebration remains a contentious issue, reflecting the ongoing rift between the RS and the central Bosnian government in Sarajevo.
Serbian Deputy Prime Minister Vulin, who delivered a fiery speech during the event, did not shy away from stirring political rhetoric. He claimed that Serbs were under attack worldwide and that the political leaders they had elected were being targeted in an effort to strip them of their state. Vulin’s speech was widely seen as a direct attack on internal protests in Serbia and regional efforts to challenge Serbian nationalism.
“They want to overthrow our government in the streets in Serbia,” Vulin declared, referencing the ongoing student protests in Serbia calling for accountability following a deadly accident at a railway station in Novi Sad, where 15 people lost their lives. The protests, Vulin suggested, were part of a larger conspiracy to weaken Serbia’s leadership.
A Veiled Threat to Critics
Vulin also leveled a thinly veiled threat to those who criticize the RS for its defiance of Bosnia’s legal institutions, particularly the constitutional court. “You are neither viziers, nor beys, nor agas to tell us what to do,” he stated. He also underscored Serbia’s role as the “guardian of the Dayton Agreement,” the peace agreement that ended the Bosnian War, and warned that failing to treat Serbia with respect could jeopardize Bosnia’s very existence.
Support for Milorad Dodik
The controversy surrounding Republic Day celebrations is further exacerbated by the ongoing legal issues facing Milorad Dodik, the leader of the Republic of Srpska. Dodik, who is facing trial for allegedly defying Bosnia and Herzegovina’s central authorities, was unable to attend the event due to recovery from surgery. However, his absence did not dampen the nationalistic tone of the proceedings.
Speaking on Dodik’s behalf, Siniša Karan, the RS Minister of Internal Affairs, reaffirmed the region’s commitment to its “statehood.” Karan invoked the ideas of Dobrica Ćosić, the father of modern Serbian nationalism, claiming that while Serbs may have lost wars in peacetime, they corrected this by establishing the Republic of Srpska as a “fully-fledged state” in 1992.
Regarding Bosnia and Herzegovina’s future, Karan echoed Dodik’s repeated stance that the state union is only viable based on the original framework of the Dayton Agreement. He argued that foreign actors had altered the agreement’s core principles, which, he said, must be restored to their original form.
“If we do not return to the letter of the Dayton Agreement, we should declare that Dayton has failed and that it was destroyed by Clinton-Biden America,” Karan declared, underscoring the political divides that continue to plague Bosnia and Herzegovina.
The Path Ahead
The outcome of Dodik’s trial remains crucial for the political future of the Republic of Srpska. If convicted, the RS leader has threatened to declare the region’s independence and sever ties with Bosnia and Herzegovina. With the RS already flexing its muscles through displays like Thursday’s parade, the political tensions in the Balkans remain high — with no resolution in sight.
As the Republic of Srpska continues to defy the central Bosnian authorities, the risk of further division grows. For many, the celebrations of January 9 are a painful reminder of the violent past, while for others, they celebrate a long-awaited national identity. The rhetoric of figures like Vulin and Karan suggests that the debate over the future of Bosnia and Herzegovina and the role of the Republic of Srpska is far from over.
