When Serbs overthrew dictator Slobodan Milošević in the 2000 revolution, they abandoned autocracy. However, the fragile democracy of the country has steadily declined under the leadership of President Aleksandar Vučić, warns the British newspaper The Guardian.
Central and Eastern European citizens, who have witnessed the erosion of democracy firsthand, offer Americans some advice as they enter a second Trump era and worry about the longevity of their rights and freedoms: stay united, protect civil institutions, and never take democracy for granted.
“I have never liked the metaphor of the frog in slowly boiling water, but it fits our situation perfectly,” said Srđan Cvijić of the Belgrade Centre for Security Policy. “Step by step, our regime dismantled Serbia’s democratic system. First, they took control of the media, then the judiciary, then other independent institutions. Next, they started rigging elections, and finally, they are trying to strip us of our right to assembly.”
Cvijić advises Americans to remain vigilant. “Democracy is not guaranteed, not even in the ‘land of the free.’ Things can backslide quickly. You must fight for your rights every day, or someone will take them away from you.”
Márta Pardavi, co-head of the Hungarian Helsinki Committee, echoes this sentiment, drawing from her experience resisting Hungary’s democratic decline under Prime Minister Viktor Orbán. Since his election in 2010, Orbán and his Fidesz party have aggressively weakened the independence of the judiciary and media while waging legal battles against civil society.
“Avoid the siege mentality that fuels polarization,” Pardavi warns. “Polarization erodes trust in institutions like the media and courts. The lower the public’s trust, the easier it is for those in power to take control. Strengthen institutions by reinforcing public confidence in them and holding them accountable.”
In Italy, where a party with fascist roots came to power in 2022, Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni is now consolidating power through constitutional reforms. Nathalie Tocci, director of the Istituto Affari Internazionali, offers a simple lesson: “Institutions, institutions, institutions—and the separation of powers. That has so far prevented greater damage in Italy.”
Serbia’s Igor Bandović, director of the Belgrade Centre for Security Policy, notes striking similarities between Trump’s actions and the Serbian experience. “Trump’s early move to remove 18 government watchdogs is a classic authoritarian playbook. I have seen this pattern before: first, quiet dismantling of oversight, ending with institutions serving only those in power. The U.S. still has strong institutions and a vocal opposition, but I wonder: is this the beginning?”
Slovakia provides a stark example of how quickly democratic norms can erode. Prime Minister Robert Fico, who came to power in 2023 with only 23% of the vote, swiftly reshaped the country. He dismantled the special prosecutor’s office for anti-corruption, expanded control over the media, and installed loyalists in cultural institutions, all while seeking closer ties with Vladimir Putin.
“We now see how crucial institutions are—not just courts and police, but even cultural institutions on the periphery,” said Slovak author and editor Monika Kompaníková. “Every time we tolerate a step over the line, that line moves further.”
Poland’s recent elections in 2023, which ended the rule of the right-wing Law and Justice (PiS) party, provide hope. Despite eight years of democratic backsliding, independent media and civic activism helped mobilize record voter turnout, particularly among young people. Paulina Milewska of the Helsinki Foundation for Human Rights credits this success to independent journalism: “About 70% of private media remained independent during this period, allowing critical voices to persist. Some new media startups relied on reader subscriptions, which helped bypass the general distrust in established outlets.”
The common message from European pro-democracy activists is clear—continue fighting.
Pavel Slunkin, a former Belarusian diplomat, cautions that Americans should not expect the pendulum to swing back automatically after four years. “Democratic institutions can be quickly undermined when loyalty, rather than competence, becomes the main qualification for government positions. This process does not happen overnight; it is a slow erosion of norms.”
Slunkin recalls his early diplomatic experiences in the U.S., when Americans were confident and resistant to outside advice. “Now, when I tell my people’s stories, they listen.”
