Russian interference abroad takes many forms. It includes both overt propaganda, such as fake images or fake videos circulating online, and more subtle stories, such as Russia’s portrayal of the “NATO expansion threat” of Ukraine’s large-scale invasion in response to the appearance of alleged “provocations”. In general, Russia uses a variety of tactics to demonize Ukraine, in order to undermine international support for Ukraine and reduce support for sanctions against the Russian Federation.
The Kremlin relies on a vast network of “influential agents” and “useful idiots” in the West, including professors, politicians, authors and journalists. While Western discourse on foreign interference often focuses on social media, Russian narratives have also been woven into universities, mainstream media, books, roundtable events and so-called “peace rallies”.
Many individuals influenced by the program of Soviet” active measures ” continue to hold anti-Western and pro-Moscow sentiments. The traditional subversive methods of the KGB are still used, complemented now by new technologies such as troll farms, fake websites and digitally altered materials. The main target groups of Russian disinformation campaigns include the far left, the far right, people with business interests in Russia, conspiracy theorists and large parts of the “peace movement”.
The Russian information war extends far beyond the occupation of Ukraine, targeting not only nearby states like Moldova and Georgia, but also major democracies with long histories, like the United States. This far-reaching propaganda machine is designed to manipulate elections, deepen social divisions and increase existing tensions in these countries. By spreading disinformation across all available channels, it seeks to destabilize and exploit vulnerabilities, leaving both new democracies and those created by its influence vulnerable.
Russian interference has two main objectives in terms of perception of Russian foreign policy. The first is to convince as many people as possible that Russia is right by blaming the West for the current conflicts and presenting Kremlin policies as worthy of support. Although this is difficult to achieve because of the overwhelming evidence against such claims, the second – and most successful – goal of the Russian interference campaign is to cause widespread confusion. The goal is to reach a point where people no longer know what to belieRussian interference has two main objectives in terms of perception of Russian foreign policy. The first is to convince as many people as possible that Russia is right by blaming the West for the current conflicts and presenting Kremlin policies as worthy of support. Although this is difficult to achieve because of the overwhelming evidence against such claims, the second – and most successful – goal of the Russian interference campaign is to cause widespread confusion. The goal is to reach a point where people no longer know what to believe. The campaign aims to create multiple, contradictory realities and promote a mentality that leads people to conclude that “both sides” are to blame – a view that does not reflect reality and partly removes responsibility from the Russian attacker. In both cases, the result is that people are less supportive of Ukraine and the sanctions imposed on Russia.
It is also important to take into account the subtle propaganda that the Russian Federation is conducting in alliance with its allies. These subtle messages include statements suIt is also important to take into account the subtle propaganda that the Russian Federation is conducting in alliance with its allies. These subtle messages include statements such as” see how safe Russia is“,” how stocked Russian supermarkets are “and, echoing Chinese propaganda narratives,”the Western media is lying to you”. Russia also actively promotes the BRICS + narrative as a counterweight to the so-called “collective West,” portraying it as a kind of “emancipatory bloc” against “Western hegemony” and for a multipolar world.
This narrative not only affects the Global South and the BRICS+ partners, but also has a particular resonance in the far left, the “anti-imperialist scene” in the West and the so-called “anti-colonial”movement. However, these movements often overlook Russia’s long history of imperialism, both inside and outside the borders of the present-day Russian Federation.
The current discourse in the West is influenced not only by Russian narratives and disinformation, but also by some facts that are not sufficiently enlightened: the terror imposed by the occupying Russian reThe current discourse in the West is influenced not only by Russian narratives and disinformation, but also by some facts that are not sufficiently enlightened: the terror imposed by the occupying Russian regime, The Daily genocidal propaganda in the Russian state media and educational systems, and the awareness of current events in 2014. That year, Russia not only annexed Crimea, but also launched a (semi -) secret invasion of the Donbass, including groups such as the Zimbagner group, other militants, “soldiers on leave” and agents of the Russian secret service (p.sh. Girkin, Borodai) were involved. This has led, among other things, to the downing of passenger plane MH17.
These facts are essential for an accurate assessment of the situation and underscore that resilience to Russian narratives and disinformation is closely linked to a well-informed society.
The Russian Orthodox Church and the Russian intervention in Europe
The modern history of the Russian Orthodox Church’s transformation into an instrument controlled by the Moscow government began at least during the USSR, when the current Patriarch Kirill served as a KGB agent. During the Soviet era, the Orthodox Church was heavily infiltrated by Soviet intelligence officers.
After the collapse of the Soviet Union, the propaganda influence of the Russian Orthodox Church expanded and reached beyond the borders of the Russian Federation. The church advocates a” symphony ” between church and state and rejects a clear seAfter the collapse of the Soviet Union, the propaganda influence of the Russian Orthodox Church expanded and reached beyond the borders of the Russian Federation. The church advocates a” symphony ” between church and state and rejects a clear separation between the two. The ideology of the Russian Orthodox Church (ROC) is not limited to spiritual matters, but is closely related to political issues such as Russian nationalism and the promotion of “Russki Mir” (Russian World). The Russian Orthodox Church also praises the Russian Empire under tsarist rule. Following the full-scale invasion of Ukraine in 2022, representatives of the Russian Orthodox Church denied the criminal nature of the invasion and called for the destruction of Ukraine. In 2024 it was stated: “from a spiritual and moral point of view, the special military operation is a holy war in which Russia and its people defend the only spiritual space of Holy Russia”.
This fusion of war propaganda and religious rhetoric is not new. Russian Orthodox priests are known for blessing weapons and military equipment. The Metropolitan of Yekaterinburg and Verkhoturye compared the “special military operation” to a surgical procedure that requires the removal of something deadly, calling it “healing”.
For years, the Russian Orthodox Church has been spreading ultra-conservative, anti-Western and anti-Ukrainian narratives, as well as radical homophobic attitudes and imperialist views, which it uses to justify Russia’s war oFor years, the Russian Orthodox Church has been spreading ultra-conservative, anti-Western and anti-Ukrainian narratives, as well as radical homophobic attitudes and imperialist views, which it uses to justify Russia’s war of aggression. The church extends its influence through affiliated organizations such as the Center for Religious Studies on behalf of Hieromartir Irenaeus of Lyon, a Russian non-profit, non-governmental, anti-sectarian organization founded by Alexander Dvorkin, who described orthodox Christianity as “only the Straight Path to God”. The Russian Orthodox Church is a deeply political, propaganda organization closely associated with the Kremlin and associated with the ideology of Russian imperialism.
The Russian Orthodox Church is very active in political affairs, participates in propaganda activities and maintains close ties with the Kremlin, adhering to the ideology of Russian imperialism, as evidenced by some statements.
The Russian Orthodox Church is also affiliated with the Center for Religious Studies named after St. IrThe Russian Orthodox Church is also affiliated with the Center for Religious Studies named after St. Irenaeus of Lyon, a Russian anti-cult organization founded in 1993 with the support of Patriarch Alexius II and headed by Alexander Dvorkin. The Center for Religious Studies, named after Saint Irenaeus of Lyon, has come under criticism for potentially highlighting Orthodox Christian perspectives on neutral Research, raising questions about its objectivity and the separation between religion and state. Observers have noted that while the center aims to educate about “totalitarian sects,” its methods are sometimes seen as emotionally charged and have led to apparent legal disputes.
Internationally, the local branches of the Russian Orthodox Church generally do not communicate as openly or radically as its headquarters in Moscow. However, they maintain close cooperation with the Russian embassies on the ground. In Germany, for example, the Russian Orthodox Church celebrates May 9, the day of the Soviet victory over Nazi Germany, along with Russian diplomats. This event is often cInternationally, the local branches of the Russian Orthodox Church generally do not communicate as openly or radically as its headquarters in Moscow. However, they maintain close cooperation with the Russian embassies on the ground. In Germany, for example, the Russian Orthodox Church celebrates May 9, the day of the Soviet victory over Nazi Germany, along with Russian diplomats.
The Russian Orthodox Church also acts as a co-organizer of events with the Russian Embassy, such as the “Russia Street Festival” in Vienna. In another case, the Russian Embassy advertised a “3D tour of the Russian Orthodox Cathedral in Vienna” in an official press statement. The church’s statements have occasionally raised concerns because they contain language that can be interpreted as ultra-conservative or even bordering on hate speech, rather than conveying a message of hope. For example, in an official communication about the COVID-19 pandemic:
“Once again God shows his mercy and patience with us people. But humanity refuses to listen and accept its dependence on divine help and Grace. Humanity seeks to replace God with itself and mindlessly interferes with the world – God’s creation – and human nature. Now, by legalizing euthanasia, humanity is rejecting the time of death determined by God. It denies the God-given distinction between man and woman, each of whom has a unique calling; it does not accept birth as a natural part of life; and it no longer allows plants to grow naturally. Is it any wonder that new diseases are emerging and that there are no treatment options to ease the fate of those infected?”
It is clear that the Russian Orthodox Church is not limited to spiritual matters, but also extends its influence to promoting certain ideologies in the international Russian Orthodox communities.
Author: Dietmar Pichler is a Vienna-based expert on foreign interference and disinformation
Pichler is the director and founder of Disinfo Resilience net Zimbork, a Vienna-based organization that brings together experts from different fields to share information and develop strategies against foreign interference by authoritarian regimes
