Violence, Money, and Propaganda – The Three Pillars of Vučić’s Government

RksNews
RksNews 3 Min Read
3 Min Read

Force, corruption, and lies. The last, seemingly the most benign, is actually the most effective in shaping public opinion, targeting three key groups who, a year ago, alarmingly turned against the government and in favor of its opponents.

Soft SNS voters, hesitant abstainers, and traditional swing voters – shaken by the major tragedy in Novi Sad – were swept into a group of citizens dissatisfied with the country’s current state, openly blaming the ruling party and demanding accountability. This sudden imbalance lasted for months, plunging Serbia into a comprehensive crisis with uncontrolled events.

A year later, Vučić is slowly regaining lost voters through old methods, with propaganda more visible and effective than ever. The regime’s propaganda operates on a simple formula: assertion – repetition – reinforcement. Daily, the machinery attacks opponents, labeling them immoral, dehumanized, and corrupt. These claims often lack logical reasoning or clear evidence but are compact, emotionally charged, and amplified by regime-paid influence agents shaping public perception.

The cycle spins until the audience experiences cognitive disorientation, causing mixed reactions toward both the image and the victim. The target becomes permanently stigmatized, triggering a Pavlovian reflex: every public appearance elicits confusion, anxiety, and deviation. The repetition creates an “epidemic” of opinion, spread through local television, printed media, and online platforms under the strict control of the regime’s spin masters.

Unfortunately, the propaganda does not only target the three core groups. Subversive agents infiltrate opposition ranks, spreading distrust, despair, dissatisfaction, and hopelessness. Rising antagonism between opposition parties and student movements is visible, especially in municipalities ahead of local elections. Citizens are fatigued by blockades, farmers feel abandoned, and revolutionary enthusiasm wanes. Yet, the political struggle remains ongoing; time pressures affect everyone, particularly those running out of political leverage.

Mass beliefs crumble when the value of that trust is questioned, when the narratives are scrutinized. Threats against “student commandos,” myths of beardless commissars, accusations of inexperience and naivety – these attacks are persistent. Vučić’s assaults are part of a systemic infection among his supporters, while internal opposition attacks create additional distraction, resulting in public fatigue and resignation.

The article argues that anti-regime forces must quickly achieve a strategic agreement, develop tactical configurations, and begin ground-level work. Unconditional cooperation requires stopping “friendly fire,” launching a joint campaign on minimum program goals, and expanding support for unions and civic organizations. Mobilization is long-term and complex.

Only an organized political “army” can defeat another army; only committed citizens can counter a political cult. Clear distinctions must be drawn between political action and anarchist adventurism. Effective messaging, strong public performances, and daily reinforcement of hope are essential for the belief that victory is possible.

The conclusion is stark: plug the leaks, stop the pumping, and maintain focus.