Serbian President Aleksandar Vučić still refuses to say whether he intends to return as prime minister, yet he confidently announces that his Movement for the People and the State will “explode” in early 2026. After months of silence on the matter, Vučić stated from Brussels that he does not want to be “a burden to the party he loves, nor to the movement that is about to grow.”
However, political analysts warn that this initiative offers nothing new, and that it primarily reflects a regime attempting to rebrand itself amid declining legitimacy, escalating public pressure, and ongoing student protests.
A Movement Announced for Three Years — Still Without Identity
The idea of forming the movement was introduced earlier this year in Jagodina, followed by a meeting of the initiative committee in March, then formal registration with the Business Registers Agency, and two major rallies in Belgrade and Niš. Yet, despite these events, the movement still lacks a clear profile.
Dejan Bursać, research associate at the Institute for Philosophy and Social Theory, describes the initiative as an empty gesture:
“Yes, the movement will exist, yes, it will be Vučić’s personal political vehicle — but no, it will bring nothing new. Vučić has killed all expectations with years of repeated announcements. In today’s political crisis, small pro-government parties below the electoral threshold — SPS, Radicals, Zavetnici — must cling to SNS. Whatever this movement is called, voters in Serbia can no longer be fooled.”
Bursać adds that the SNS no longer succeeds in attracting new voters, which has become a key problem for the ruling camp.
The ‘Oldest Trick of Autocrats’: Merging the State With the Regime
Historian Dragan Popović says the movement is a classic tool of authoritarian systems:
“The movement is designed to present Vučić’s inner circle as a supra-party force, almost identical to the state and the nation. This is the oldest trick used by autocrats everywhere: they hide personal interests behind alleged national causes, even when these interests are purely about clinging to power or controlling public money.”
He notes that the political environment has shifted dramatically, reducing the effectiveness of such tactics:
“This move will force all pro-government actors into one bloc and create a referendum-like atmosphere. That is not beneficial to the regime.”
Critics: This Is About Deepening State Capture and Controlling the Judiciary
Observers warn that the creation of the movement is part of a broader strategy by the Vučić regime to strengthen control over state institutions, particularly the judiciary, at a time when demands for rule of law and accountability are growing louder.
Through a “supra-party” structure, Vučić would be able to further weaken independent institutions, marginalize the opposition, and concentrate authority around himself — following the pattern of modern illiberal regimes.
Rebranding Troubles and Internal Weaknesses
Political analyst Miljan Mladenović believes the success of the movement depends on three factors: branding, the SPS dilemma, and upcoming political events.
“Dismantling the SNS and SPS brands before elections is risky. SPS is weakened and internally divided, so merging with them may not be worth the trouble. But most importantly, forming the movement does not depend on Vučić alone. It depends on whether the government can handle the coming crises — the local elections, student actions, and the need to constantly put out fires.”
A Brand That Cannot Be Washed Clean
Marketing expert Nikola Parun stresses that the idea of the movement has been launched so many times that its political value has evaporated:
“SNS has shrunk to its core voters. They will vote for whatever Vučić tells them to, but this base is no longer unreachable. In today’s political climate, trying to wash the SNS brand through a new movement will not bring new voters.”
Although Vučić seeks to frame the movement as a new beginning, analysts argue that it represents an effort to preserve power, not a genuine political transformation. The oldest trick used by autocrats — creating a supposedly national, non-party movement that merges the leader with the state — may for the first time in Vučić’s political career backfire, amid deep political polarization, economic uncertainty, and rising social mobilization.
