U.S. lawmakers and regional experts are increasingly examining the expanding operational, intelligence and procurement ties between Yemen’s Houthi rebels and Russia and China, while Iran remains the group’s principal foreign backer.
During a September 1 hearing of the House Subcommittee on the Middle East and North Africa, lawmakers questioned experts about evidence of growing cooperation between the Houthis and Moscow and Beijing, including alleged intelligence support, weapons procurement and diplomatic backing.
The hearing came as the Houthis, who control much of northern Yemen including the capital Sanaa, have intensified attacks in and around the Red Sea. The escalation has raised renewed concerns at the United Nations about the possibility of a broader conflict in Yemen.
Lawmakers warn of wider authoritarian cooperation
Rep. Joe Wilson, a Republican from South Carolina, described the Houthis as part of a broader challenge posed by authoritarian states and militant groups to Western interests.
“Houthi rebels have expansionist, ideologically driven objectives that extend beyond Yemen,” Wilson said, arguing that the group was developing networks with terrorist organizations and U.S. adversaries including Russia and China.
Wilson also pointed to the Houthis’ reported use of sophisticated underwater drones, arguing that such capabilities would have been difficult for the group to develop independently.
Evidence of growing Russian and Chinese links
Nadwa Al-Dawsari, a Yemen expert and fellow at the Middle East Institute, told lawmakers that there was evidence the Houthis were developing relationships with both Russia and China.
“There have been some indications that the Houthis are building ties with Russia and China,” she said.
Al-Dawsari referred to reports that Russian operatives were present in Sanaa and had provided the Houthis with information and technical assistance to help target shipping in the Red Sea.
She also cited U.S. assessments that a Chinese satellite company linked to the Chinese military had provided intelligence that assisted Houthi attacks against U.S. warships and commercial vessels.
According to Al-Dawsari, U.S. Treasury documents have also identified weapons, dual-use components and parts for drones and missiles being supplied to the Houthis through networks connected to China and Russia.
She said both countries had also provided the group with diplomatic space at the United Nations by abstaining from Security Council resolutions condemning Houthi attacks on maritime shipping.
“So there is a relationship, and it is evolving,” Al-Dawsari said, arguing that the cooperation could expand Russian and Chinese influence in the region at the expense of the United States.
China emerges as a key procurement hub
Asked by Subcommittee Chairman Mike Lawler, a Republican from New York, about the Houthis’ international weapons networks, Al-Dawsari said that Chinese companies played a significant role in the group’s supply chains.
She argued that “most of the weapons smuggling for the Houthis goes through Chinese companies” and urged Washington to pressure Beijing to target private companies facilitating weapons transfers.
Al-Dawsari also said the Houthis continued to generate substantial revenues through illicit oil trading and maintained an extensive smuggling network despite U.S. sanctions targeting the group’s formal financial structures.
Houthis retain significant autonomy from Iran
Allison Minor, director of the Atlantic Council’s Middle East Integration Project, told lawmakers that U.S. and Israeli military operations had contributed to closer cooperation between the Houthis and Russia.
But she warned that military action alone would not eliminate the threat.
“The reality is that the Houthis thrive in a wartime environment, particularly one characterized by foreign intervention,” Minor said.
She also stressed that, while Iran exercises significant influence over the group, Houthi leader Abdul-Malik al-Houthi retains ultimate decision-making authority.
“I would argue that the Houthis are even more dangerous than an Iranian proxy,” Minor said, warning that the group has ambitious objectives and can sometimes act more aggressively than Tehran might be expected to do.
According to Minor, the Houthis’ military and intelligence apparatus is considerably more powerful than their political wing.
Washington debates its next move
The hearing also highlighted divisions over how the United States should respond if military pressure and sanctions fail to contain the Houthis.
Al-Dawsari called for greater U.S. and regional support for Yemen’s internationally recognized government forces, including possible weapons and training assistance in cooperation with Saudi Arabia.
She argued that strengthening government forces could deprive the Houthis of territory, revenue sources, launch sites and maritime smuggling routes.
Other lawmakers raised concerns about avoiding a deeper U.S. military commitment.
Minor argued against turning Yemen into another major U.S. military campaign.
“The war in Yemen is not a U.S. war and we should not make it ours,” she said, calling instead for military pressure to be combined with a broader political strategy, sustained diplomacy and the appointment of a new U.S. special envoy for Yemen.
Despite the growing focus on Russian and Chinese involvement, Iran remains at the center of the Houthi network. Al-Dawsari said commanders from Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps had traveled to Yemen to help prepare the group for attacks.
She warned that if the conflict between Washington and Tehran continues and Iran faces increasing difficulty using the Strait of Hormuz to exert pressure, the Houthis could further escalate attacks in the Red Sea.
The congressional debate reflects growing concern in Washington that the Houthi threat is no longer limited to Iran’s regional network, but is increasingly connected to a wider system of Russian and Chinese strategic, technological and commercial relationships.
