A rapid series of brutal gangland liquidations, occurring alongside unprecedented purges within Serbia’s highest security echelons, points toward deep systemic fractures within the ruling establishment. Analysts and insiders speaking to the weekly Radar magazine indicate that the latest tectonic shifts—sparked by the high-profile murder at the “27” restaurant in the Senjak neighborhood—signal that the current political regime has entered its terminal phase.
The primary catalyst for this internal destabilization is a newly emergent class of multi-millionaires created over the last decade under the Serbian Progressive Party (SNS). Having amassed immense wealth, these figures have largely abandoned any respect for state authority. Terrified that these asset-heavy loyalists might switch political allegiances, the state has initiated sweeping, often extrajudicial surveillance and wiretapping campaigns that target even individuals traveling with active police escorts.
The Blood Feud Over Block 40: Multi-Million-Euro Real Estate
The fatal conflict between former police officer Saša “Boske” Vuković and the slain victim Aleksandar “Baja” Nešović (allegedly associated with the notorious Keka criminal clan) was triggered by a lucrative urban planning amendment in New Belgrade.
A Detailed Regulation Plan adopted in December 2024 cleared the way for massive residential construction on plots adjacent to the railway line in Block 40, authorizing over 400 luxury apartments and garage units. This zoning change instantly caused land values to skyrocket. The conflict began when Vuković accused Nešović of attempting to aggressively squeeze out all remaining business partners.
The Timeline of Corporate Maneuvers: Just three weeks prior to the fatal May 12, 2026 shootout at the “27” restaurant, Stefan Nešović (the victim’s son) suddenly doubled his ownership stake in their joint venture, Masad Properties, jumping from 25% to 50%. Merely days after the murder, the third corporate partner—the firm DHG, owned by Swiss-Serbian magnate Blagoje Antić—abruptly liquidated its asset holdings and exited ownership of the adjacent plot.
The “Makiš Nine” and Illlicit Surveillance on Protected Targets
Despite his deep involvement in shadowy real estate disputes, Vuković managed to secure an active police guard detail, which investigators believe was illegally authorized with the implicit blessing of high-ranking law enforcement chiefs. Simultaneously, however, his communications were being aggressively wiretapped by a specialized domestic espionage unit.
The interception was carried out by the so-called “Makiš Nine,” officially known as the Department for Special Operations (OPA):
Command Structure of the Department for Special Operations (OPA)
├── Strategic Oversight: Marko Kričak (Head of UKP, former JZO Chief)
├── Operational Commander: Branislav Milenković (Ultra-loyalist; linked to student crackdowns)
└── Bureaucratic Status: Absorbed directly under the Criminal Police Directorate (UKP)
In his official statements to prosecutors, Vuković confessed to the killing but claimed self-defense. He revealed that prior to returning from a brief stay in the United States, he had been in direct communication with the Head of the UKP to ascertain whether the criminal police were actively investigating him for a previous November shooting at the Steak & Wine restaurant, where he had targeted Miloš “Runjo” Nilović of the Škaljari clan.
High-Level Casualties vs. Political Promotions
While the fallout from the Senjak investigation continues to decimate the Ministry of Internal Affairs (MUP), the judicial response has been deeply asymmetric, prioritizing political loyalty over systemic accountability:
- Detained and Disgraced: The long-standing Chief of the Belgrade Police, Veselin Milić, has been in detention for nearly two months. He is accused of failing to report the homicide and directly participating in the tampering and removal of forensic evidence from the crime scene. Four tactical officers from the Interventna unit have also been jailed.
- Released from Custody: Nemanja Đuran, the former acting chief of the UKP, was released from detention despite concrete evidence proving he willfully concealed text messages exchanged with Vuković immediately following the murder.
- The New BIA Chief: While career professionals face criminal prosecution, Uroš Stamenković was recently promoted to Chief of the Belgrade Center of the Security Intelligence Agency (BIA), effectively making him the second most powerful figure in the spy agency. Stamenković is a close personal friend of Danilo Vučić, the President’s son, and was a co-founder of CEROB, an organization exposed by investigative journalists for running a massive vote-buying operation for the SNS during the December 2023 elections.
New Realities: Cyber Avatars and Bedsheet Escapes
The terminal stage of state-criminal synergy in Serbia is further highlighted by a total breakdown in underworld discipline. Fugitive gang members are no longer keeping state secrets; instead, they have begun deploying internet avatars and social media profiles to leak highly damaging information regarding the regime’s active involvement in covering up capital crimes.
Concurrently, the state’s detention apparatus has suffered farcical security breaches. Nikola Mirić, a high-ranking operative linked to the Kavač cartel, managed to escape from a supposedly high-security “safe house” near Ada Ciganlija by tying bedsheets together and rappelling down the side of the building.
The decade-long alliance between the Belgrade authorities and the Kavač syndicate began fracturing during the internal political war between former Defense Minister Nebojša Stefanović and President Aleksandar Vučić, ultimately collapsing prior to the arrest of the Belivuk-Miljković faction. Notably, prior to their arrest, Veljko Belivuk and Marko Miljković traveled to Montenegro to demand that Kavač kingpin Radoje Zvicer establish a direct line to American intelligence agencies so they could hand over everything they knew about the inner workings of the Vučić administration.
