An explosive investigation by Radar has exposed the deep rot within the security apparatus of Serbian President Aleksandar Vučić, revealing that a member of his close protection detail, Petar Filipović, was caught running a heroin laboratory while actively shielding the head of state.
Filipović was arrested on April 3, 2026, after transforming his private residence into a drug processing and distribution hub. The case has blown open a systemic pipeline of corruption, showing how the regime’s captured judiciary actively protected a known drug dealer so he could continue providing muscle for Vučić and the ruling Serbian Progressive Party (SNS).
Caught Red-Handed: The Lab and the Assault
According to the newly raised indictment filed on June 16, 2026, by Prosecutor Vanja Orlović, the raid on Filipović’s home quickly escalated into a violent confrontation:
- The Heroin Cache: Obrenovac police intercepted Filipović inside his kitchen, catching him with 210.61 grams of high-purity heroin mixture cutting-agents (paracetamol and caffeine), precision digital scales heavily contaminated with narcotic residue, and €460 alongside 141,000 RSD in drug-sales cash.
- Assaulting the Police: Upon entry of law enforcement, Filipović attempted to destroy the evidence by throwing the heroin packets across the room and dousing the remaining narcotics with a water bottle. When officers intervened, Filipović physically assaulted both a male and female officer, striking them repeatedly in the chest before being forcibly subdued.
A History of Judicial Privilege: The Cover-Up Matrix
The most damning aspect of the scandal is that Filipović should have been behind bars long before this raid. His trajectory exposes a textbook example of how the regime’s selective justice operates to shield its loyal enforcers:
| Date | Incident / Judicial Action | The Regime’s Intervention |
| Dec 25, 2024 | Caught with 34 packets of heroin in his luxury BMW in Obrenovac. | Handed over to the Belgrade Higher Prosecutor’s Office instead of the local court to ensure centralized control over the file. |
| Mar 27, 2025 | Indicted by Aleksandra Mrdović (a close ally of regime-favorite Chief Prosecutor Nenad Stefanović). | The prosecutor bizarrely downgraded the charges to “personal use”, demanding a mere suspended sentence and mandatory addiction therapy. |
| Jul 22, 2025 | Filipović is photographed and filmed acting as close protection for Aleksandar Vučić at an Informer media party. | Instead of being in rehab or jail, the drug dealer was standing inches away from the President, protecting him from protesting local farmers. |
[Dec 2024: Arrested with Heroin]
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[Mar 2025: Prosecutors Downgrade Charges to "Personal Use"]
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[July 2025: Actively Guarding Vučić at Regime Propaganda Events]
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[Apr 2026: Arrested Again Running a Major Heroin Lab]
State-Sponsored Employment and Criminal Paradigms
The investigation further reveals that Filipović was consistently rewarded with lucrative positions funded by Serbian taxpayers. At the time of his first arrest, he was safely embedded in Pro TENT, a state-owned enterprise operating under the umbrella of the Electric Power Industry of Serbia (EPS), drawing a massive monthly salary of 180,000 RSD.
Once the drug scandals became public, he smoothly transitioned into the private sector, joining Tim Security—a private firm heavily intertwined with state-vetted contracts.
The Shadow Army of “Ćacilend”: Foreign policy and security analysts note that Vučić’s reliance on individuals with deep criminal records is a structural feature of his regime, not a flaw. From the infamous “Cacilend” paramilitary encampment outside the Presidency building to the recent diplomatic crisis where 87 of Vučić’s informal thug-guards landed in Tivat, Montenegro, the regime consistently relies on organized crime elements to manage domestic intimidation and project extrajudicial state power.
Filipović is currently being held in a Belgrade detention unit as the Higher Court reviews the new indictment for narcotics production and assaulting official personnel. However, given the track record of Stefanović’s compromised prosecution office, civil rights watchdogs remain highly skeptical that the true puppet masters behind this state-protected drug distribution network will ever face accountability.
